TEL AVIV -- The nuclear agreement reached by Iran and the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (China, France, Russia, the United States and the United Kingdom), plus Germany, is not about Iran's capitulation, as Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu wished. And it is about as imperfect as any negotiated agreement between disputing parties can be. Nonetheless, it creates a solid framework to prevent Iran from producing nuclear weapons for the next 10-15 years -- and that is a very positive development.
Netanyahu, if he wished, could take a lot of the credit for this achievement. Had he not fueled global hysteria over Iran's nuclear ambitions, the crippling international sanctions regime that eventually pushed Iran to a deal might never have been implemented.
But Netanyahu has stubbornly insisted that the agreement is a strategic fiasco, citing its ambiguities in matters such as the mechanism of inspection, the number of centrifuges Iran will be allowed to maintain and the conditions for reimposing sanctions if Iran breaches the accord. In pursuing this course, Netanyahu has not only missed the opportunity to claim a major diplomatic victory; he has also reinforced Israel's international isolation.
Netanyahu is now doing all he can to persuade the U.S. congress to pass a "resolution of disapproval." This is highly unlikely to occur, especially in an election year, given that it would require 13 Democratic senators and 48 Democratic representatives to break with U.S. President Barack Obama. Indeed, Netanyahu's effort is succeeding only in turning Israel into an increasingly divisive partisan issue in U.S. politics. That is a dangerous game: The U.S. has broken with the international community to support Israel in the past; it is less willing to do so today.
Despite the obvious problems with Netanyahu's position, dismissing it would be a mistake. Contrary to popular belief, he is not just a cynical politician in search of an agenda to deflect attention away from growing domestic problems and the conflict with Palestine. His obsessive focus on Iran -- not to mention the seemingly irrational calculus that is driving him toward a politically suicidal confrontation with the U.S., his country's most important benefactor -- stems from deep-rooted convictions, a system of political thought and his own perspective on Jewish history.
Netanyahu is an ideologue of Jewish catastrophe. His view of Jewish history reflects that of his father, the historian Benzion Netanyahu, who went to America in the 1940s to challenge the Allies' failure to rescue European Jewry from the Holocaust, and thus to mobilize support for Zionism. In fact, Netanyahu remembered his father's efforts in his address to the U.S. Congress last March.
But Netanyahu goes a step further than remembering the past. Zionism was supposed to enable the Jews to break with their history. Netanyahu, however, has imbued the Israeli state's existence with all of the Jewish people's past anxieties, pains and struggles. It does not matter that Israel possesses, according to foreign sources, a nuclear arsenal, as well as a robust economy and a strong alliance with the world's most powerful country; for Netanyahu, it is essentially an old Jewish ghetto, attempting to hold out against relentless threats.
By this logic, risks and challenges cannot be approached with a view toward resolution; they must be held up as reminders for the Jewish people to keep up their guard.
Netanyahu would dismiss as political lunacy the notion that the nuclear agreement opened a 10-15-year window for creative statesmanship to reshape regional politics. A regional system of peace and security based on an accord with Arab countries that includes nuclear non-proliferation is, he would argue, the agenda of naïve dreamers, not of a leader so aware of the lessons of Jewish history.
Palestine is no different from Iran, from this perspective. The Palestinian conflict is unsolvable, too; at best, it can be managed. With Hamas control in Gaza reinforcing the view of Palestine as a threat, the issue galvanizes the Israeli-Jewish nation.
If Israel is to reverse its shift toward international isolation, and help build a stable regional security environment, it must change its approach. Paranoia and antagonism must give way to sober politics, with Israeli leaders discussing potential strategic compensation with the U.S., working with other powers to address Iran's support for Hamas and Hezbollah, and considering a credible revival of peace negotiations with
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.
Israel's Labour Party, which is now debating whether to join Netanyahu's government, should consider carefully whether it can bring about such a shift. If it cannot, and no other force emerges to do the job, Netanyahu's prophecies of doom risk becoming self-fulfilling.
Question: Is Israel a good option for the world to have an independent country at all? Why because:
1). It is the lone Terrorist country of the world.
2). It is the repeated Genocide committal country of the world.
3). It is the lone anti human social nation of the world. Because Israel's nationals fuck their own mothers, daughters, sisters, father and son sodomizes with one another.
Over and above it sucks billions of American middle and poor class hard earned tax paid $ as grants.
It is because of mother fucker Zionist lawmakers handling the grants amidst strong protest from the US Christian nationals.
Now let the world community nations know, If it is a good option to have Israel and protect it, at all? Ask the bastard, NAZI”s illegitimate son Netanyahu first to clarify..